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Introduction
“Frustrations, loneliness, unemployment, poor housing accommodation,
drinking, trouble with the law and a social aid system that does nothing
more but barely keep body and soul together…”(Dieter, 1973). Found in a
February 1973 volume of Saskatchewan Indian, this quotation expressed
the plight of urban Aboriginal peoples living in Regina; over thirty
years later it is a description that remains true for much of Canada’s
urban Aboriginal population.
Aboriginal peoples are increasingly living in areas outside of their
designated reserves. While exceptions do exist, many of these
individuals are ill-equipped for life in the cities. Many lack the
literacy skills required to function in fast-paced urban environments.
They find themselves excluded from the opportunities that exist for
those with higher levels of education. The fact that they make up a
minority of the population in the cities means there are limited
opportunities for them to engage in the traditions of their culture.
When they walk down a street – more often than not – the faces they see
do not look like their own.
The feelings of exclusion and bewilderment expressed in the opening
paragraph are the basis for the application of theory and solutions
offered in this paper. To begin, a statistical picture of the
circumstances urban Aboriginal peoples face will be provided. The ways
in which they attempt sense making – and the challenges of that process
– will be discussed via an application of Karl E. Weick’s seven
properties of organizational sense making as outlined by Chun Wei Choo.
It will then be argued that public libraries can aid urban Aboriginal
peoples’ sense making efforts by creating spaces where Aboriginal
peoples can see themselves and their culture reflected in an urban
environment. This work will also be discussed in the context of the
properties of sense making. Finally, an overview of a successful example
of a public library’s service provision to an urban Aboriginal
population will be overviewed.
Demographics
Aboriginal peoples as percentage of metropolitan populations
The Aboriginal Peoples Survey 2001 reported that approximately 713,000
Aboriginal people were living off reserve, and that this number
represented over 70 percent of the Aboriginal population of Canada. Most
members of this group (68 percent) lived in urban areas, with 40 percent
of the off-reserve Aboriginal population living in census metropolitan
areas (CMAs) or cities with a population greater than 100,000. With the
exception of Nunavut (where Aboriginal peoples comprised 85 percent of
the population) the provinces with the greatest, relative, population of
non-reserve Aboriginal peoples were in the West – in particular Manitoba
and Saskatchewan where the group comprised 9 percent and 10 percent of
the total population, respectively (O’Donnell and Tait, 2003, p. 8).
These figures reflect a significant growth in the real numbers of urban
Aboriginal peoples living in CMAs. Again, Manitoba and Saskatchewan are
exceptional in this regard. In their report Aboriginal Conditions in
Census Metropolitan Areas 1981-2001, Siggner and Costa (2005) note that
Winnipeg experienced a nearly 250 percent increase in its Aboriginal
population with real numbers increasing from 16,000 to 56,000; in
Saskatoon there was a 382 percent increase, with the Aboriginal
population growing from 4,200 to over 20,000 (p.13).
Age
In addition to “growing,” another word that aptly describes Canada’s
Aboriginal population is “young”. In 2001, nation-wide, 33.2 percent of
Aboriginal peoples were 14 years of age or younger, and 17.3 percent
were age 15-24 (Siggner and Costa, 2005, p.16). This is a group whose
absolute numbers in CMAs are also increasing, so much so that Aboriginal
children under the age of 14 account for between 30 and 40 percent of
the total Aboriginal populations in most Western (i.e. Winnipeg, Regina,
Saskatoon, Calgary, Edmonton and Vancouver) CMAs (Siggner and Costa,
2005, pp. 5-16). In the select Western CMAs of Winnipeg, Regina and
Saskatoon those numbers translate into Aboriginal children under the age
of 15 comprising 14-16 percent of all children in those cities (Siggner
and Costa, 2005, p.16).
While seniors comprise a decided minority of the urban Aboriginal
population, their numbers – particularly in select Western cities – have
significantly increased as well. In Winnipeg, for example, from
1981-2001 the number of Aboriginal seniors increased from 320 to upwards
of 1,800. It is also noted that there has recently been a “significant
improvement” in the life expectancy of Aboriginal peoples, and a
concurrent drop in their fertility rates, which means that the
population is aging, but much more slowly than non-Aboriginal groups (Siggner
and Costa, 2005, p.16).
Employment
A recent Statistics Canada release paints a bleak picture of urban
Aboriginal peoples’ employment rates and prospects. For the 12 months
ending in March, 2005 unemployment rates for urban Aboriginal peoples in
the West were, on average, 2.5 times higher than those of their
non-Aboriginal counterparts. While it is reported that the unemployment
rate for urban Aboriginal people decreased slightly from 2001-2005, the
current rate of 13.6 percent remains more than double that of
non-Aboriginals. When Aboriginal youth are considered separately, the
statistics are equally discouraging, with an unemployment rate of 20.8
percent compared to 10 percent for non-Aboriginal youth (Statistics
Canada, 2005).
For those urban Aboriginal peoples who were employed, their earning
power significantly trailed that of non-Aboriginals; for example, an
Aboriginal person living in Winnipeg in 2000 earned $68 for every $100
earned by a non-Aboriginal individual (Siggner and Costa, 2005, p. 21).
Family
Aboriginal Conditions in Census Metropolitan Areas also addresses the
family-related considerations of Aboriginal peoples in CMAs, citing the
Aboriginal Peoples Survey of 2001’s finding that 40 percent of
Aboriginal peoples who moved to a CMA from 1996-2001 did so for
family-related reasons (Siggner and Costa, 2005, p. 23). Once they
arrive in a CMA, the family structure of many Aboriginal peoples is
similar, with significant numbers of households being headed by a single
parent. This is particularly true for the cities of Winnipeg, Regina and
Saskatoon where over half of Aboriginal children lived in single-parent
households in 2001, a number that is even more striking when compared
with a range of 17 percent to 19 percent for non-Aboriginals in those
cities (Siggner and Costa, 2005, p.17).
Literacy levels
Literacy rates among urban Aboriginal peoples have been found to be
lower than for non-Aboriginals. The International Adult Literacy and
Skills Survey (IALSS), (the Canadian section of the Adult Literacy and
Life Skills study, a cooperative undertaking of the Government of
Canada, the United States National Centre for Education and Statistics
and the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development) found
that 60 percent of the urban Aboriginal populations in Manitoba and
Saskatchewan scored below a Level Three in a measurement of prose (i.e.
“continuous text” as found in books or newspapers) literacy skills. This
was compared to a statistic for non-Aboriginal individuals of 45 percent
and 39 percent for those two provinces, respectively. The IALSS rates
literacy skills according to a Five-level scale, with Level One
constituting the lowest ability level and Level Five the highest; for
developed countries such as Canada, literacy abilities corresponding to
Level 2 or higher are “generally associated with a number of positive
outcomes such as increased employment opportunities and higher civic
participation” (Statistics Canada, 2005, November 9).
Education levels
The Aboriginal Peoples Survey 2001 offers some insight into the levels
of education possessed by urban Aboriginal peoples. In 2001, 48 percent
of Aboriginal peoples residing off-reserve, aged 20-24, had “incomplete
secondary school” as their highest level of education (this was compared
with 26 percent for non-Aboriginals in the same age group). However,
statistics also showed reason for optimism. In 2001, 39 percent of urban
Aboriginals peoples aged 25-44 had completed post-secondary studies –
this was an increase of five percent from 1996 census data (O’Donnell
and Tait, 2003, pp. 18-19). This is a positive trend because, as Siggner
and Costa (2005) note, “in 2001, as long as Aboriginal young adults
completed their university degrees, their employment rates in CMAs were
on par with their Aboriginal counterparts” (p. 24).
Income
The overall picture remains bleak, however, with all of the above
factors contributing to high poverty rates. In 2000 Aboriginal peoples
living in all of Canada’s CMAs had a low-income rate of 41.6 percent,
compared to 17.3 percent for non-Aboriginals. Again, the statistics were
particularly negative in Western CMAs, with Winnipeg’s Aboriginal
population seeing 3.7 percent increase in its low-income rate. Regina
and Saskatoon’s Aboriginal populations reported low-income rates
approximately four times higher than the non-Aboriginal population (Heisz
and McLeod, 2004, pp.33-34).
Sense making and
urban Aboriginal peoples’ experience
“The requirements of survival in the city frequently force Aboriginal
people to change their way of life and reshape the way they express
their beliefs and values. The resulting adaptations run a complete
range, from maintenance of a strong Aboriginal identity based on
traditional Aboriginal culture to assimilation into the pervasive
non-Aboriginal culture. In integrating themselves into an urban
environment, most Aboriginal people fall between these two extremes.
Some remain trapped between worlds, unable to find their place in either
culture; this often creates tension, alienation and identity confusion.”
(Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples, 1996, Vol. 4).
The following analysis of Weick’s seven properties of sense making
speaks to the challenges urban Aboriginal people face with respect to
issues ranging from identity construction to basic physical survival,
upon arriving in a city, and, even, long after their arrival. Their
sense making reflects efforts to interact with, negotiate within,
survive, and hopefully succeed, in a complex environment.
Sense making and identity construction
The first of Weick’s properties is that sense making is grounded in
identity construction. Engaging in sense making aids individuals in
maintaining a self-identity. This is an active part of the process, with
individuals simultaneously reacting and shaping their environment. Choo
points out that individuals will work to influence others’ behaviour
towards them, even while they are attempting to piece together a
self-identity based on the behaviour or reactions they garner (Choo,
1998).
This first property of sense making presents, perhaps, the largest
challenge for the urban Aboriginal population, and has the most
influence on their success or failure in urban environments. Although
the number of Aboriginal peoples in urban centres is growing, they still
comprise a minority of the total population. As a result, cities become
environments where Aboriginal peoples are not likely to see expressions
of themselves or their culture. This is to say nothing of the racism
they often face. In the best of possible scenarios, Aboriginal peoples
have had positive exposure to their culture, language and traditions. If
they have, then there is a good chance they are arriving in a city with
a relatively strong self-identity. However, if they have not been able
to engage with their culture, and they then arrive in a foreign, urban
environment, “maintaining a consistent self-conception” becomes even
more of a challenge (Choo, 1998). Even for the individuals who arrive
with a strong knowledge of their culture, sense making in an urban,
non-Aboriginal environment is a difficult process. For those who arrive
without that grounding, the process of positive engagement with their
new surrounding may seem impossible.
Sense making as retrospective
The second property as outlined by Choo is that sense making is
retrospective. In this part of the process an individual “attends to
events that have already taken place” (Choo, 1998, p. 69). This is a
concept that can apply to urban Aboriginal peoples in several respects.
If sense making is a process that, in part, happens through interpreting
past experiences and applying those interpretations to present
situations, then this aspect of the process also presents a challenge
for urban Aboriginal peoples. One scenario is that they have never been
to an urban centre before and therefore have no prior knowledge on which
to base their decisions and actions in the new environment. A second
possibility is that they have previously been in a city, and so have
experiences to reflect upon and incorporate into their engagement
processes. The nature of their past experiences then becomes very
important. If those experiences were positive, Aboriginal peoples may
feel more optimistic about their prospects in the new environment. If
the experience was more negative (and many of the statistics suggest
this is a likely case) then the individuals engage (or not) and
interpret the environment in a way that demonstrates (and reinforces)
their “outsider” status.
Sense making as enactive
The third property of sense making is that it is enactive. In order to
comprehend the environment, people work to actually produce a part of
the environment in which they find themselves. Often they will do this
by “breaking up streams of experience” in order to address the
challenges of being in a new or changing situation. The other action
people may undertake is to actually physically or structurally change
the environment so that they may more effectively engage with it (Choo,
1998, p. 69).
Breaking up the experiences in cities is a tactic employed, perhaps
almost subconsciously, by many Aboriginal peoples. Just as many
non-Aboriginals label certain neighbourhoods or groups of people as
desirable or not, so too do Aboriginal peoples come to learn which
neighbourhoods, services and organizations are welcoming to them and
reflective of their cultural and other needs. Being able to undertake
action to bring about change in the environment is a very powerful
aspect of sense making. It can require networks of support, political or
economic clout, and, certainly, a strong self-identity. All of these
requirements make this aspect of sense making a difficult endeavour for
most urban Aboriginals peoples.
Sense making as social
The fourth property of sense making is that it is a social. Choo (1998)
is explicit in reinforcing this point – whether a person looks to be
alone or not, all sense making is done within the context of social
groups, with individuals taking into account the reactions of, and their
interactions with, other people in the environment. It is also noted
that individuals consider “the reaction of others not physically
present, but who will be affected or whose reactions will be important (Choo,
1998, p. 69).
The Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples (RCAP) speaks to this point
in its discussion of the importance of family to Aboriginal peoples
generally and urban Aboriginal peoples specifically. Despite a lack of
contact with their families, RCAP recognizes that some urban Aboriginal
peoples will recall the lessons they have been taught as part of an
underlying sense of obligation to their families (RCAP, 1996).
However, to the extent that Aboriginal peoples feel isolated when they
arrive in a city (i.e. they may be arriving on their own, they
automatically become part of a minority group, etc.) their sense making
abilities are stunted. If sense making, as Choo (1998) explains, takes
place when groups of people are “engaged in talk, discourse, and
conversation,” then urban Aboriginal peoples successful implementation
of this property is largely dependent on their ability to find others
willing to engage with them socially (p. 69). The extent to which this
is possible varies from individual to individual with respect to whether
or not they already know others in a city, but success in the social
aspect of sense making is also dependent upon the abilities and
influence of the individuals that make up an Aboriginal person’s social
group. Even when they are able to seek out one another to engage in
discourse, this alone may not be sufficient to achieve the enactive,
transformative processes of sense making.
Sense making as ongoing
The fifth property of sense making is that it is ongoing. This is a
relatively apparent characteristic of the process. Individuals are
constantly engaged in activities whose goal is to help them understand
their environment and their place in it. Choo (1998) does note that
while the process is ongoing, it can be interrupted, often with the
consequence of producing emotional responses.
Like all individuals, urban Aboriginal peoples are constantly
interacting with their environment, and with varying degrees of success
and satisfaction. The act of an Aboriginal person arriving for the first
time in a city may, in and of itself, constitute the most significant
sense making “interruption” they have ever experienced. For others, who
have lived in a city previously, or who have been residents for some
time, their minority status results in a kind of stop-start quality to
their sense making. How far along the process is able to progress – and
the frequency of interruptions it encounters – is, again, dependent upon
the networks, past experiences and skills unique to each Aboriginal
person.
Sense making and extracted cues
The sixth property of sense making is that it is both focused on – and
becomes focused by – extracted cues. These cues are the “familiar
structure” upon which individuals may base their sense making. These
structures become the starting points of much of individuals’
comprehension of, and engagement with, their environment (Choo, 1998, p.
69).
This property of sense making is extremely salient to the experiences of
urban Aboriginal peoples. Cities often offer little in the way of
familiar (i.e. Aboriginal) cultural cues, a situation which results in
many urban Aboriginal peoples lacking starting or reference points from
which to begin successful engagement with their environments. The
extraction of cues has a strong connection with the retrospective aspect
of sense making. Choo (1998) explains that the exploitation of cues is
the result of “scanning, searching, or noticing” (p. 69). The ability to
seek out cues is obviously essential to the sense making process, but it
is one that can be hindered by an interpretation of the environment
based on sense making’s retrospective quality.
If Aboriginal peoples arrive in a city, and it is not their first time
in an urban environment, the nature of their scanning process will be
affected by past experiences. The locales they scan for cues may be
influenced by how positive or negative their past interactions were in a
given neighbourhood, building or organization. Indeed, depending on the
success of previous scanning attempts, an Aboriginal person may or may
not spend a significant amount of time looking for the familiar in an
urban environment.
Sense making as focused on plausibility
The final property of sense making is that it is informed by
plausibility as opposed to accuracy. This property speaks to the
practical nature of individuals in a world where fixed meanings are less
and less the norm, and “politics of interpretation, and conflicting
interests” need to be navigated on an ongoing basis (Choo, 1998, p. 70).
This aspect of sense making speaks to the reality that many Aboriginal
peoples are not in a position to strategize their sense making efforts.
Whether returning to a city, or arriving for the first time, often the
decisions that need to be made are urgent in nature (e.g., regarding
housing) and do not afford the luxury of a thorough scan of the
environment, regardless of the fact that there may be nothing familiar
or helpful in obvious sight.
Cultural
considerations
A holistic view
Establishing a definition of Aboriginal culture is a difficult task –
and one outside the scope of this paper. In the initial paragraphs of
its section on Aboriginal culture, The Report of the Aboriginal Justice
Inquiry of Manitoba compares trying to describe Aboriginal culture with
attempts at describing Canadian culture – both present a challenge
because they are informed by heterogeneous groups (Aboriginal Justice
Implementation Commission, 1999). However, there is one overarching
characteristic that is common to the cultural outlook of Canada’s
Aboriginal peoples, and that is a view of the world that is total, or
holistic in nature. According to James Dumont, in today’s Aboriginal
communities “everything begins with a holistic vision, that generates a
respect that comes from understanding the intrinsic wonder of creation,
knowledge, wisdom and the dignity and freedom of others” (Hodson, 1994).
In considering the importance of oral tradition and the role of elders
in Aboriginal culture – and how both can be supported and utilized by
public libraries – it is important to remember the holistic outlook
guiding the traditions and their practices.
Oral tradition
One of the most essential aspects of Aboriginal cultures is what is
known as “oral tradition.” In her article on the subject, Maureen
Simpkins cites how Julie Cruikshank differentiates the concept from
“oral history.” While it is conceded that, in practice, definitions of
the two terms become more fluid, strictly speaking “oral history” is the
first hand account of an experience by a witness, while “oral tradition”
refers to the practice and process of transferring information from
generation to generation (Simpkins, n.d., p. 263).
Oral histories and oral tradition are such a critical part of Aboriginal
cultures because they encapsulate and transmit the culture’s knowledge,
which, in and of itself, is comprised of traditional beliefs and values
(Simpkins, n.d.). It is important to remember that the traditional
knowledge (informed by the culture’s beliefs and values) of Aboriginal
peoples is, largely, distinct from mainstream, non-Aboriginal cultural
values. The RCAP notes that Aboriginal traditional knowledge adheres to,
and reinforces, the common cultural characteristic of a holistic view of
world, encompassing “ecological teachings, medical knowledge, common
attitudes toward Mother Earth and the Circle of Life, and a sense of
kinship with all creatures” (RCAP, 1996).
While there exists many different Aboriginal cultures within Canada,
just as they share a holistic vision of the world, so too do they value
– and even rely on – oral tradition in order to communicate the content
of that knowledge, and their culture, within and amongst generations.
Elders
“So there are in fact guides who have been there who have each
individually lived through their own hell and have found their way and
they are in fact guides. So if you are going into a strange land, and
God knows, it’s strange to so many young people. And they can avoid all
that and ensure you a good trip. That’s really what it is. It’s that
simple.” Ojibway Elder Art Solomon (Steigelbauer, 1996, p. 42)
The communication of traditional knowledge and the maintenance of oral
tradition are intrinsically linked to the role elders play in Aboriginal
cultures. As the above quote attests, they are the guides and teachers
for many Aboriginal people, and the typical method for communicating
cultural teachings is by way of oral tradition, specifically
storytelling. While the exact meaning of the term “elder” varies amongst
Aboriginal cultures and communities, it most commonly refers to someone
who is older, and/or someone who has been sought out for spiritual and
cultural leadership as well as for their knowledge of some aspect of
tradition (Steigelbauer, 1996). Of particular relevance to urban
Aboriginal peoples is the notion that, historically, elders have acted
as a “bridge” between the ancient aspects of their cultures and modern
influences (Aboriginal Justice Implementation Commission, 1999). This
quality, in particular, makes the inclusion of elders in any kind of
programs or services for urban Aboriginal peoples, essential.
Public libraries
and possibilities for aiding sense making
So how should all of the above factors - urban Aboriginal peoples’
demographic profile, a holistic cultural viewpoint, importance of oral
tradition and the valuing of elders’ contributions – affect the approach
public libraries take in providing programs and services for urban
Aboriginal populations? The well of Aboriginal culture is deep,
providing many lessons and techniques to incorporate into an approach to
service which could aid urban Aboriginal peoples in their sense making
efforts as cultural minorities in our cities.
Public libraries can begin by facilitating urban Aboriginal peoples’
construction of positive self-identities. One of the best ways of doing
this would be to make the public library a place where members of
Aboriginal communities see themselves, and their cultures, reflected.
This can be done through programming based on Aboriginal culture and
traditions, through the acquisition of Aboriginal-related materials, and
through the incorporation of the various symbols of Aboriginal cultures
in the library’s physical space.
In so far as the construction of positive identities is affected by the
reactions people garner from others, public libraries should aim to be
welcoming spaces for Aboriginal peoples. The importance of this point
cannot be overstated. It is essential that urban Aboriginal patrons are
made to feel that the library is a place where they belong and where
their culture, as well as their own value as citizens, is reaffirmed.
Public libraries can also have a significant affect on the retrospective
aspect of the sense making process. If urban Aboriginal peoples are made
to feel welcome in the library, if they see their culture being
reflected in the physical space and services, they are more likely to
look back on their experience in a positive light. This affect is
important for two reasons: first, if their experience has been a good
one, an Aboriginal person is more likely to return to the library, and;
second, they will be more likely to tell other members of their
community about the benefits the institution has to offer. In providing
a welcoming space for urban Aboriginal peoples, public libraries would
not only establish themselves as being supportive of Aboriginal
cultures, they would also help to establish the reputation of cities
at-large as being more willing and able to address the concerns of
Aboriginal peoples.
Public libraries could also play a vital role in the enactive processes
of sense making. Whether or not they are newly arrived in a city,
Aboriginal peoples have a significant amount of new information to
navigate their way through. While the level of ability to process and
manipulate the culture of a non-Aboriginal urban environment may vary
from individual to individual, public libraries can aid the process by
offering programs that “bracket” aspects of city life (e.g. housing,
education/training, entertainment, etc.) through instructional
programming that is culturally relevant to urban Aboriginal peoples.
This “bracketing” approach should not be seen as working against
Aboriginal cultures’ holistic viewpoints, as long as all aspects
relevant to the individuals’ well-being are being addressed by the
programs and services of the library. Adopting a holistic approach to
programming would mean the library would need to include offering
related to, not only literacy and job training, but also physical and
spiritual well-being.
For many non-Aboriginal Canadians their public library is as much a
social hub as an information provider and repository. While there are
not insignificant numbers of Aboriginal organizations in Canada’s
cities, many of whom offer opportunities for Aboriginal peoples to build
and solidify social contacts, public libraries should not hesitate to
count themselves among those providers for this group. Whether by
offering meeting space, organized programming, or simply by making
Aboriginal peoples aware that the library is a place where they are
always welcome to come and share conversation and ideas with one
another, the public library – as a free, public institution – would make
an ideal gathering place for urban Aboriginal peoples.
There is another possible benefit in public libraries support of this
part of the sense making process, and that is in the facilitating of
Aboriginal peoples’ relations with the non-Aboriginal community – in
essence, broadening the scope of social contact for both groups. With
public libraries still, largely, existing as middle class, and –
certainly – non-Aboriginal institutions, the inclusion of Aboriginal
peoples in the activities of the library means an increase in the
likelihood of cultural exchange (formally organized through programming,
or through informal means) between the two groups. This broadening of
the social sphere, while certainly a benefit to non-Aboriginals, is of
particular advantage to urban Aboriginal peoples whose success in a city
can be helped by establishing relationships with non-Aboriginals based
on respect and cultural exchange.
The ongoing property of sense making fits particularly well with the
concept of the public library. As institutions, public libraries are
relatively stable entities. That is to say, they have been in existence
in most urban centres for a significant period of time, and – while they
may deal with threats to their funding, and questions about the
viability of their various branches – they are more stable than certain
non-profit organizations or other special initiatives (e.g., committees,
taskforces, etc.) which also may be involved in providing services to
urban Aboriginal peoples. While it remains important that public
libraries continue to evolve and work to improve the services they
provide, it is of definite benefit to Aboriginal peoples that these
organizations are seen to be, and largely supported as, important
service-providers in our cities. As such, they are well-positioned to
support the ongoing sense making efforts of urban Aboriginal peoples.
If sense making is said to be centred around, and derived from
environmental cues, then, again, public libraries are ideally positioned
to aid the sense making process. Choo (1998) speaks of cues as being
“points of reference or starting nodes from which ideas may be linked
and connected into networks of meaning” (p. 69). By providing relevant
services and supports, public libraries can act as the “nodes” which
urban Aboriginal peoples can come to rely on to help them construct
positive self-identities, build upon social networks and enable them to
enact upon the urban environment.
Finally, with respect to sense making often being informed by
plausibility, (particularly as chosen over accuracy), public libraries,
with their relatively stable presence, can act as an information
provider to urban Aboriginals regarding some their most basic – often
urgent – needs (i.e. shelter, medical care, child care, etc.). The
library should have current, accurate information regarding the
provision of these services on hand for Aboriginal peoples to access.
While there may be other outlets that provide this information, as a
“neutral” actor in this context (i.e., as an institution mandated to
provide access to the broadest range of information possible) the
library is ideally positioned to ensure urban Aboriginal peoples – while
possibly acting out of sheer plausibility (i.e., survival) – are also
able to receive accurate information to aid them in their sense making.
An example of success
The Albert Library in the city of Regina is an example of a public
library that is succeeding in facilitating and advancing the sense
making efforts of the urban Aboriginal peoples it services. In meeting
this goal, the Albert Library employs a holistic vision of its
community, incorporates Aboriginal oral tradition and values the
contributions of elders.
The library has been serving its neighborhood since 1913, but undertook
an overhaul of its mandate after a 1979 report for the Regina Public
Library Board recommended reducing its hours due to low circulation
levels. The report became the impetus for the creation of the community
advisory committee which serves the library to this day. Committee
membership is open to anyone living or working in the library’s
catchment area of North Central Regina, and plays a key role in
decisions regarding the library’s staffing, programming and collection
development (Sinclair and Muir, 2000).
An example of the holistic vision employed by the library is that its
Branch Head is directed to participate in organizations serving the
North Central community – the library benefits from garnering additional
feedback about its operations and from being able to tailor, and
promote, its programming to the community (Sinclair and Muir, 2000).
The Albert Library also recognizes and reaffirms the importance of
Aboriginal oral tradition through the incorporation of storytelling
programming. While the concept of storytelling in a library setting may
not appear innovative on the surface, the programming offered at the
library is anything but typical “storytime.”
One of the many achievements of the Albert Library Committee was a grant
that was secured to host a Storyteller in Residence Project which had
its own, dedicated Aboriginal traditional teacher as a resource.
Utilizing, again, a holistic approach the library further integrated
Aboriginal oral tradition into its overall programming, taught young
people how to collect and record oral histories (and helped publish the
material collected) and organized community day trips to some of
Saskatchewan’s reserves to incorporate further cultural teachings
(Sinclair and Muir, 2000).
In providing advice for projects like the above, and also regarding the
staffing and collections development of the library, elders play a vital
role at the Albert branch. In speaking about their role in Aboriginal
cultures, Chief Harry Lafond stated that “elders are known for their
knowledge to educate. They become walking, talking libraries and
carriers of information about the culture” (Sinclair and Muir, 2000).
Recognized as such, elders are consulted about both the ongoing
operation of the library, and for more special events, such as the
Library’s 80th anniversary when an elder presented the library with its
own, unique spiritual colours (Sinclair and Muir, 2000).
These are just a few examples of how the Albert Library incorporates
some of the main characteristics of Aboriginal cultures in aiding the
sense making processes of its community’s members. In employing these
and other innovations, the Library is working to create a space where
urban Aboriginal peoples see themselves and their culture reflected
within a city where they make up a minority – albeit growing – of the
population. The Albert branch creates a positive library experience,
offering a social space for the Aboriginal peoples in the community, and
one where they also come together to learn about their own cultures and
are exposed to education and training necessary to increase their
opportunities within the urban environment. In this way the library
succeeds in supporting urban Aboriginals’ ability to express their
concerns and to enact to bring about change in their surroundings. In
adopting a new vision of what was possible for its operations over 25
years ago, the Albert Library has succeeded in becoming a “seed” for its
community, growing for its members a space of both support for
individuals and cultural resonance – themselves inextricably linked.
Conclusion
As the presence of Aboriginal peoples in Canada’s metropolitan areas
continues to grow, there will be a concurrent growth in the need for
municipalities to address the needs of this segment of the population so
that they – particularly as a group with many young people – will be
better equipped to contribute to the social and cultural life of our
cities. As the sense making capacity of urban Aboriginal peoples
improves in these spheres, it is plausible to believe that their
economic and political strength may also grow. In aiding the sense
making efforts of Aboriginal peoples, public libraries can contribute to
the above goal. As institutions of public good, the onus is on libraries
to reflect the interests, and serve the needs of the communities who
can, or would, access its offerings. As the demographic of Canadian
cities shifts (particularly in Western CMAs), so too must public
libraries alter their approaches to collections building, programming
and collaboration with outside groups. This work is essential if the
institutions wish to remain relevant societal hubs – and, in many (if
not all) Canadian cities, it is work that must address the unique sense
making needs of our country’s urban Aboriginal peoples.
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